Credits: Reuters
The towering hell burned Tehran's main reservoir, once standing, turning the sky around the city black.
The mysteriously broken streets in the sewage power source are stacked on the streets. The car exploded quickly as onlookers screamed in horror. Many residents fled; others lined up outside the gas station, desperately trying to gradually reduce fuel supply while preparing to join Exodus.
Rumors and chaos boil down to the capital as Israeli wars broke out on the third day of Sunday. Whatever Israel’s military objectives are, its operation obviously occupies a larger dimension, not only aimed at the economic foundation of the country, but also the hearts of the people.
For years, Israel has felt that Iran's quiet population is enabling its Islamic masters. Now, it is sowing the seeds of chaos in hopes of pushing them to the edge.
Benjamin Netanyahu's own recognition that regime change is one of the results needed by Israel. He told Fox News:[It] Of course it can be the result, because Iran is very weak. ”
The Israelites' backwardness – and what they are not – no one is sure.
Maybe the sewage source has its own consistency; maybe some unknown group is using a sense of wear and order to blow up cars.
Credit: x/@nexta_tv
However, given that the country's spies detonated thousands of Hezbollah pagers and intercoms that were out of reach in Lebanon last year, nothing is possible.
There is only one thing that can be surely nailed to Israel: a series of attacks on Iran's oil and gas facilities. Possible motivations are not difficult to distinguish.
Angry Iranians have increasingly vented their anger on the regime in recent months after they shivered in the darkness in one of the toughest winters in their recent memory.
It seems like a scandal that a country with six-sixths of the world's gasoline and 10% of oil could be so disastrous that even major roads are trapped in darkness due to lack of electricity.
Angry Iranians walked onto the streets of more than 150 towns and cities as government offices closed and school students twisted their thumbs at home, denounced corruption and mismanagement behind the crisis – protests continued until this month.
So, it is no surprise that over the past 24 hours, Israel has attacked not only Iran's nuclear facilities and missile bases, but its electricity and gas plants.
On Sunday, a fire at the South Pars Gas Field and an oil refinery near Bushehr in the southern province. Twelve storage tanks in Tehran's main fuel warehouse exploded one by one, burning the surrounding hills.
There are many reasons why Iran's energy infrastructure is under attack. Israel hopes to deny the fuel Iran needs to support military operations. It also has a high chance of hope that Iran will retaliate against Saudi or UAE energy assets, which will potentially attract the United States and attract the war with bombs destroyed by its bunkers.
But perhaps most critically, Israel seems to have concluded that if it is to fight alone, the best opportunity to demolish Iran's nuclear program is not to bomb the rich facilities buried deep, but to destabilize the regimes that established them. Some officials believe that the regime from May to May is just the best choice for Israel's survival.
If so, Iran's rotting domestic energy sector is arguably the most vulnerable view. This country is in full swing. Electricity rations have closed factories, allowing workers to be unpaid, preventing bakers from making bread, students taking exams and farmers irrigating crops.
Many blame the Mullah and the Elite Revolutionary Guards, who not only protect them, but also control most of Iran's power generation and generation.
Angry reports said that electricity had been transferred to the power-depleted bitcoin mining operations related to the guards, driving a popular ode in Iranian cities: “The guardian cryptocurrency; blackout for the people!”
Mr. Netanyahu clearly believes that the people of Iran can be persuaded to overthrow the regime on their own. He told them on Friday that Israel’s strike against their country would “clear your path to freedom.”
He told Fox News that such a move was obviously a legitimate result of the Israeli offensive. “We cannot let the world's most dangerous regime have the world's most dangerous weapons,” he said.
Rally around the national flag
But not everyone believes that the strategy will work. In fact, it could be a fire that could help re-support the unwelcome regime and warn Sanam Vakil, the London International Affairs think tank Chatham House Middle East director.
She said: “Iranians are often very nationalist and as civilian casualties and lives become more difficult, they are more likely to gather on the national flag.
“The unexpected consequence could be a re-characterization of the Islamic Republic, which is a devastating result for the Iranians and the wider region, not to mention Netanyahu.”
Farzan Sabet, a Middle East security researcher at the Middle East Graduate Institute in the Iranian city of Shiraz, said that no matter what their perception of the regime, few Iranians can see their own homeland destruction.
“In my own city, the electronics industry that contributes to military radar systems has been destroyed.
“It is a military goal, but it is also a center of technology and an important source of employment. Many people who are not particularly pro-government are very frustrated to see it being destroyed.
“If Israel continues to expand on such actions, you will see a lot of people who don't like the government's support. They may not like the government, but they also don't like what's going on in the country.”
Before the operation began, there was no doubt that the unpopular Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his Mullah were the majority of the population, the unpopular Iranian leader. Middle-class liberals always hate them.
Before the Islamic Revolution of 1979, Iran had one of the most westernized populations in the Middle East: the unveiled women dressed in pants, danced in nightclubs, drank cocktails, and were with unmarried men.
Such mature people are at the forefront of the first major anti-government protests in 2009, led by the so-called Green Movement. Later, the turbulent wave attracted Iranians, especially women, to the extent that they were frustrated by the regime’s strict Islamic regulations, corruption and sanctions and the economic losses of isolation.
Iranian women protest Israeli attack on Tehran – Majid Saeedi/Getty
However, despite the shock of these protests, they eventually changed little. Ayatollahs successfully crushed the worst uprising, triggered in late 2022, after the worst uprising in police custody, a young Kurdish woman, Mahsa Amini, died in police custody after allegedly exposing her hair.
To some extent, the regime survives by relying on a zealous supporter core.
“Over time, the popularity of the regime has been steadily declining,” Mr Sabert said. “But at least in its core foundation, its support remains relatively strong – a core group on which the system relies on to survive.”
But that's not the only reason why Israel may struggle to start a regime change.
As Israeli bombs began to fall, Reza Pahlavi, exiled son and heir in 1979, urged the Iranians to overthrow the regime, blaming it for “dragging Iran into the war.”
Yet, while many Iranians feel nostalgic about their 2500-year monarchy, Mr. Pahavi led the weakest thing in the five often differential opposition movements – the fragments that the Mullahs successfully exploited.
Meir Javedanfar, a lecturer at the University of Richmann in Israel, believes that until there are more unified oppositions, calling for a universal uprising, especially those from abroad, is unlikely to have a significant impact. History, especially in the Middle East, shows that they rarely do this.
He said: “Everyone in Israel wants to change the regime and I think 80% of Iran want better leaders.
“But I'm not sure if regime change can be incited from abroad. It has to come from within. It needs local leadership – I just can't see the opposition in Iran organized around a single leader or political party.”
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